France alleges Israeli firm BlackCore meddled in elections across four countries
France says BlackCore’s alleged election meddling reached New York, Scotland, Angola and Togo, turning a local smear probe into a cross-border security test.

France’s election watchdog says an obscure Israeli firm is now suspected of pushing influence operations far beyond one municipal race, a sign that election interference has become a cross-border security threat for democracies in Europe and beyond. Viginum says BlackCore was not only tied to the March 2026 local elections in France but also suspected of meddling in New York City and Scotland, while operating in Angola and Togo.
The allegations began with a campaign aimed at three France Unbowed candidates before the March vote, including Sebastien Delogu and François Piquemal. French investigators said the effort relied on deceptive websites, social media accounts alleging criminal behavior and disparaging digital ads, a mix of online tactics designed to blur the line between political attack and covert manipulation.

Viginum chief Marc-Antoine Brillant said the suspected modus operandi was not confined to municipal politics in France, and that the same pattern appeared elsewhere. Follow-up reporting said digital tools linked to the operation were found on a server associated with BlackCore, tightening the focus on the mechanics of the campaign even as the question of who ordered it remained unresolved.
That attribution problem is now at the center of the case. French authorities asked Israel for help identifying who commissioned BlackCore, underscoring that the challenge is not just finding a technical operator but tracing the client, the funding and the intended political effect. BlackCore has described itself as an influence and cyber firm, but its ownership, base of operations and backers remain unclear.
The case has widened into a test of how well election officials can detect covert foreign interference once it is repurposed across countries and political systems. A campaign aimed at local candidates in France can be redeployed against contests in New York City or Scotland, or used in countries such as Angola and Togo, with only the targets and messaging changed. That flexibility makes the operation harder to spot and harder to deter.
The broader stakes are immediate for democratic systems that depend on transparent campaigning and identifiable funding. If the alleged BlackCore network did operate across four countries, as French authorities suspect, it would suggest a commercialized interference model built for repeat use, not a one-off political prank. For France, the March elections opened a much larger inquiry; for its allies, the allegations raise the same question everywhere: who paid for it, and how many other contests has the same machinery already touched?
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