Magyar’s Tisza Party Expands Supermajority After Hungary Vote Count

Hungary’s power shift hardened on the final vote count, giving Péter Magyar’s Tisza party 141 of 199 seats and the two-thirds supermajority needed to amend the constitution without help from Viktor Orbán’s former allies. The final tally, completed after postal ballots, foreign-mission votes and transferred votes were processed, turned an already decisive victory into a governing mandate with immediate institutional consequences.

The result closes the chapter on Orbán’s 16-year rule and opens a far more consequential one for Europe. Tisza’s margin means Magyar can move quickly on constitutional changes, judicial and media reforms, and other institutional fixes that Orbán’s Fidesz built into the Hungarian system over more than a decade. Fidesz was left with 52 lawmakers, down sharply from its previous dominance, while the far-right Mi Hazánk won 6 seats. Turnout reached 78.99 percent in one final tally, the highest since Hungary’s democratic transition in 1990, underscoring how much of the country treated the vote as a verdict on Orbán’s political order, not just a routine change of government.

Magyar now faces pressure to translate that mandate into action. He has said his cabinet could be sworn in by mid-May and has promised to restore democratic standards, launch an anti-corruption drive and revive an economy that has been close to stagnation for three years. He has also warned that sensitive documents from the outgoing administration may be being destroyed, a sign that the transition could be combative as well as sweeping.

The implications reach well beyond Budapest. European Union institutions have kept about 18 billion euros frozen over rule-of-law concerns, and EU officials have been meeting with Magyar’s team in Budapest about unlocking roughly 17 billion to 18 billion euros in aid. That money is central to Hungary’s financial outlook, and any breakthrough would signal a major reset in relations between Brussels and a member state long seen as the bloc’s most prominent democratic backslider.

Magyar has also signaled that media reform could be among his first tests of power, including a plan to suspend state media news broadcasts until unbiased coverage can be ensured. Taken together with the supermajority, that would give Tisza the chance not only to replace Orbán’s government, but to dismantle the political architecture that sustained it.