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Taiwan Boosts Coastguard Presence at Pratas Islands Amid Chinese Pressure

China's gray-zone campaign reached the Pratas atoll last year; Taiwan answered Thursday by upgrading the island's wharf and adding coastguard vessels capable of mounting anti-ship missiles.

Lisa Park3 min read
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Taiwan Boosts Coastguard Presence at Pratas Islands Amid Chinese Pressure
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When a Chinese reconnaissance drone briefly overflew the Pratas Islands in January, Taiwan's defence ministry called the incursion "provocative and irresponsible." The aerial probe was not an isolated incident. On Thursday, Kuan Bi-ling, head of Taiwan's Ocean Affairs Council, disclosed that since last year, Chinese government boats including coastguard vessels have been multiplying around the atoll in a pattern that marks a deliberate geographic expansion. The pressure campaign had previously concentrated around Taiwan proper and the Kinmen islands hugging China's Fujian coast. Now it has migrated 400 kilometres south to the Pratas.

Kuan announced a concrete response at a briefing for the Taiwan Foreign Correspondents' Club in Taipei. Taiwan has renovated the wharf on the main Pratas island and will regularly deploy vessels with greater operational capacity there. She also said the government has plans to develop Dongsha, as both sides call the atoll, into what she described as an "island defence system," though she declined to elaborate.

"From a political and strategic perspective, we have found that for them, seizing Dongsha would carry considerable strategic significance," Kuan said.

The islands sit at the northern mouth of the South China Sea, positioned roughly midway between southern Taiwan and Hong Kong and administered by Kaohsiung city. That location matters for three overlapping reasons: the atoll commands sea-lane approaches used by commercial and military shipping, it can anchor radar and air-defence coverage across a stretch of ocean otherwise difficult to monitor, and its continued administration by Taipei is legally intertwined with Taiwan's broader South China Sea claims. The atoll is also a Taiwanese national park, which layers an environmental protection mandate on top of the coastguard's sovereignty enforcement duties.

Taiwan's decision to respond through its coastguard rather than the military is not incidental. The Coast Guard Administration, which falls under Kuan's Ocean Affairs Council, occupies a law-enforcement category distinct from armed conflict, meaning patrol ships can confront Chinese vessels at sea without either government having to frame the encounter as a military engagement. That framing keeps each interaction below the threshold that would more plausibly trigger escalation while still maintaining a credible deterrent presence. The risk, as analysts note, is miscalculation: as patrol cadence increases on both sides and encounters multiply, the margin for a misread manoeuvre narrows considerably.

Kuan acknowledged that the intensifying pressure drains coastguard resources from civilian missions, saying Beijing's campaign "lets down people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait" by diverting assets from duties such as rescuing mariners in distress. She framed the situation as a spur to accelerate readiness: "We are accelerating our efforts to strengthen our capabilities and to speed up the transition between peacetime and wartime readiness," she said.

That transition has a concrete dimension. Taiwan's Anping-class corvettes, currently assigned to the coastguard fleet, are built on the same hull as the navy's Tuo Chiang-class warships and carry mounting points for anti-ship missiles, making them available for combat operations in a conflict. Their hybrid character embodies the ambiguity Taipei is counting on: present enough to deter, restrained enough to avoid handing Beijing a pretext for direct confrontation.

China's Taiwan Affairs Office did not respond to a request for comment.

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